Interview by Matthias von Hein
On the sidelines of his visit to Hamburg, the Dalai Lama talked exclusively to DW about his optimism for Tibet, the situation in Iraq and Syria, and the growing number of Tibetan Buddhists in China.
DW: Your Holiness, China is becoming more powerful, both economically and politically. Beijing is also using its power to increasingly isolate you – the face of the struggle for meaningful Tibetan autonomy. What do you think: If China had been that powerful already in 1989, would you have been awarded the Nobel peace prize?
Dalai Lama: I have completely retired from my political responsibilities since 2011. The nature of your question is rather political. However, since you ask that question: Yes, the People's Republic of China is gaining more strength economically and militarily. But, in the meantime, we can see that a number of Chinese very much support our basic rights because we are not seeking independence.
We decided as early as 1974 that we are not seeking independence. We just try to seek those rights that are mentioned in the constitution. These should be implemented. That's our request. So, therefore, a number of Chinese intellectuals fully support us – including Liu Xiaobo (awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2010 and currently serving an 11 year prison sentence).
During the last four years we noticed about 1000 articles in Chinese, some written by Chinese inside China, some outside, which fully support our 'middle way' approach. They are very critical about their own government's policy. So this is not our criticism. It is criticism within the Chinese community.
On top of that, there is quite a large Buddhist population in China. About three or four years ago, a Chinese university carried out a survey about how many Buddhists there are in mainland China. They came up with a figure of more than 300 million. Many of these Buddhists are educated people. And nowadays more and more Chinese Buddhists really show interest in Tibetan Buddhism. Even a number of Chinese Communist Party members, officials, even high officials are showing interest in Tibetan Buddhism.
Then on the practical level: The Chinese government is very much concerned about the image of China. The military, the economy alone cannot make a constructive contribution to world affairs. The People's Republic of China needs moral authority, more respect, more trust from the outside world. And the Chinese people themselves are very much concerned about the image of China, too. Many Chinese told me, that even though their country has over 1.3 billion inhabitants, it is lacking moral authority or moral power.
But now, President Xi Jinping is seriously tackling corruption. And also recently during his visit in Europe, in Paris, Xi openly stated, that Buddhism has a very important role for Chinese culture. So Buddhists should take more responsibility. For me this is something very unusual: A communist leader publicly praising or making a positive remark about Buddhism. So things are changing.
But, your Holiness, do you see any improvements on the ground in Tibet?
Our struggle is the struggle between the power of the gun and the power of truth. In the short run, the power of the gun is much stronger, very decisive. But in the long run, the power of truth is much stronger. I believe that. Already there are some signs that Chinese leaders or intellectuals now raise questions whether the existing policy is really helpful in the long run to the interest of the People's Republic of China. So things are changing.
But, up to now, my impression is that the Chinese leadership is still thinking that the way to deal with ethnic minorities in Tibet or in Xinjiang is repression and investment. That is their twofold approach.
Investment is good. But at the same time they should be seriously concerned about the environment. The use of force is often counterproductive no matter how sincere the motivation is. Look at the Iraq crisis and President Bush. I know that his motivation was very good: Democracy in Iraq. But the method was wrong. So, unexpected consequences happened. In China there is basically a similar situation.
Talking about Iraq, this brings me to a question that is troubling a lot of people in Germany right now. It is the question of how to deal with the "Islamic State."
You are loved and respected the world over because your approach is dialogue and tolerance. But now in Germany we are debating whether Germany should supply weapons to the Kurds in Northern Iraq to fight the "Islamic State" – which would be a breach with former policies. What do you do if dialogue fails or if the other is not ready for dialogue?
I am student of Buddhist psychology. And I am also a firm believer in the law of causality. There are these unthinkable, sad events: The killings of human beings, mercilessly, including children, women. I believe this is the result of certain causes. The Iraq crisis: If the American policy in order to topple Saddam Hussein had been carried out in a more non-violent way, I think, the situation today would probably be a little better. I believe this unthinkable crisis in the beginning of the 21st century is the result of the mistakes of previous centuries.
So, what would be your advice?
Basically I say: It is much better and safer not to use violence. But now the reality is: So many people are suffering. If the world remains indifferent, that would be also immoral, too. The best thing would be to try to talk. If that fails, according to the reality, according to circumstances…That´s very difficult to judge.
Coming back to Tibet, you sounded very optimistic about the prospects of positive change in Tibet through the Chinese government side. So are you optimistic yourself to be able to visit Tibet, see Lhasa and the Potala?
Watching China for more than 60 years, I describe four eras: the Mao Zedong era, the Deng Xiaoping era, the Jiang Zemin era and the Hu Jintao era. Within these four eras a lot of changes happened. The Mao Zedong era put very much emphasis on ideology. Then the Deng Xiaoping era:
He considered the economy, the living standard to be more important than just the ideology. So he did not hesitate to follow a more market-oriented economy, or even capitalism. Then Jiang Zemin: He discovered that because of the new reality, the Communist Party was no longer a party of working class people. So he created the concept of the "Three Represents." Wealthier people and intellectuals were admitted into the party.
In the Mao Zedong era that would have been unthinkable. Then came the Hu Jintao era. Because of the growing gap between rich and poor he emphasized the promotion of the "Harmonious Society". So, the same party, confronted with a new reality had the ability to take some new initiatives, develop a new thinking.
When Hu Jintao announced the "Harmonious Society," I fully supported that. But ten years passed and I think as far as "harmony" is concerned, things worsened. The goal, the motivation was good. But the method? They used force. The Chinese government's budget for internal security is bigger than the defense budget. I think there are about 200 nations on this planet. But I don't think any nation's budget for internal security is bigger than the defense budget.
But Xi Jinping, his policy, his actions, seem more realistic. As Deng Xiaoping stated: "Seek truth from facts." I think the new leadership follows that advice: seeking truth from facts. The late Hu Yaobang (reform-minded, liberal Communist Party general secretary 1980 – 1987) followed that approach. President Xi Jinping seems to be in favor of that approach.
When Hu Yaobang visited Lhasa in the early 1980's, his public speeches and comments were very realistic. At that time, everybody developed great hope. I still believe, if Hu Yaobang had remained in power for a longer time, the Tibet issue would have already been solved. Xi Jinping seems to follow that same sort of more realistic approach. So there is some hope. In any way: It is better to remain with hope and in the meantime better prepare for the worst.
Thank you very much your Holiness.
The interview was conducted by Matthias von Hein.
original link and photos: http://www.dw.de/dalai-lama-hope-for-the-best-prepare-for-the-worst/a-17877704
Showing posts with label liu xiaobo. Show all posts
Showing posts with label liu xiaobo. Show all posts
Monday, August 25, 2014
Dalai Lama: 'Hope for the Best - Prepare for the Worst'
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Monday, May 19, 2014
Thousands Welcome His Holiness the Dalai Lama in Oslo
Oslo, Norway, 7 May 2014 - His Holiness the Dalai Lama arrived in Oslo where the questions he was to be asked many times was - what did he feel about the Norwegian Governments declining to meet him?
He replied that such responses have become normal, that he accepts things as they are.
"National interest is important, but I can assure you that the Dalai Lama is not a harmful person. My interest is to meet the public to promote human values, our need to see all 7 billion human beings as members of one family. In the face of major problems, we have to consider what benefits the whole world, not just this country or that. In the long run, we must bring principles and human values to bear in whatever we do, whether it involves politics, business, religion or education. If I had a political agenda, I might feel disappointed, but I don't."
He met with the former Norwegian Prime Minister and the Chairman of the Nobel Committee who noted that it was 25 years since he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of his efforts to bring freedom by non-violence to the Tibetan people.
Asked whether he considered the Peace Prize as a blessing or a curse His Holiness replied, "Of course, as a blessing. I remember Archbishop Desmond Tutu, my friend and spiritual brother telling me how difficult it was for him to meet some people before, which became much easier after he was awarded the prize. I was in California attending a conference of scientists when I heard the announcement and I was asked how I felt. I said, 'Not much different, I am a simple Buddhist monk, no more, no less.' But since the prize was in recognition of my commitment to non-violence and my work for peace, I felt it was a great honour.
"Later, when Aung San Suu Kyi and Liu Xiaobo were awarded the Peace Prize and they were in difficult circumstances, I felt it would have been a source of encouragement and inspiration for them."
Asked whether he was disappointed that members of the Norwegian government and the Speaker of parliament would not be meeting him, he replied:
"No, why? My main interest is in the promotion of human values. From birth we have a sense of affection and some sense of concern for others. We need to nurture it. Scientists have found that to ensure even physical health peace of mind is essential. People often think that love and compassion are only matters of religious concern, but in fact such values are necessary in all human relations. As a Buddhist monk, I am also interested in fostering inter-religious harmony.
"Wherever I go my aim is to meet the public. If leaders like President Obama meet with me that's fine, but I don't ever want to put anyone to any inconvenience. When I arrived here today, I was happy to see the large number of ordinary people who came. The world belongs to all of us, not just to our leaders.
When His Holiness was asked whether China's increasing influence was able to limit his and the Tibetan government-in-exile's work, he clarified that he does not refer to the Central Tibetan Administration, which looks after the Tibetan community, in that way. But he laughed and remarked that it seems the more the Chinese government criticize him, the more his popularity grows.
To a question about whether it seems easier or more difficult to resolve differences with the Chinese authorities since he was awarded the Peace Prize, he said that it is nearly 70 years since the formation of the People's Republic of China. Over that period he perceives different eras. So, you see, the same party, with the same ideology has shown that it can adapt to a changing reality. As China opens up, as its students study abroad and are exposed to freedom and a lack of censorship, things are bound to change. Wen Jiabao said China needs political reform, even US style democracy."
On the question of support for human rights in China and Tibet, His Holiness expressed the view that smaller countries, like Norway, may wield more influence because they are not perceived as a threat.
When asked about the 130 self-immolations that have taken place in Tibet, His Holiness said it is very sad and repeated that these drastic actions should be investigated by the Chinese authorities and not blame His Holiness and his supporters.
A journalist mentioned that as a Nobel Laureate, His Holiness is entitled to nominate others to be awarded the Peace Prize and asked if he had done so. His Holiness laughed and said he thought it was the Committee's job to do that. Asked if he thought he would still be able to visit Tibet and the PRC in this life, he replied that if he lives another 15 or 20 years he hopes so, but if he only lives another one or two years there may not be a chance.
"Anyway, if I am able to go, I hope that journalists like all of you will be able to come too."
Original link: http://www.thetibetpost.com/news-in-focus/4025-thousands-welcome-his-holiness-the-dalai-lama-in-oslo
He replied that such responses have become normal, that he accepts things as they are.
"National interest is important, but I can assure you that the Dalai Lama is not a harmful person. My interest is to meet the public to promote human values, our need to see all 7 billion human beings as members of one family. In the face of major problems, we have to consider what benefits the whole world, not just this country or that. In the long run, we must bring principles and human values to bear in whatever we do, whether it involves politics, business, religion or education. If I had a political agenda, I might feel disappointed, but I don't."
He met with the former Norwegian Prime Minister and the Chairman of the Nobel Committee who noted that it was 25 years since he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in recognition of his efforts to bring freedom by non-violence to the Tibetan people.
Asked whether he considered the Peace Prize as a blessing or a curse His Holiness replied, "Of course, as a blessing. I remember Archbishop Desmond Tutu, my friend and spiritual brother telling me how difficult it was for him to meet some people before, which became much easier after he was awarded the prize. I was in California attending a conference of scientists when I heard the announcement and I was asked how I felt. I said, 'Not much different, I am a simple Buddhist monk, no more, no less.' But since the prize was in recognition of my commitment to non-violence and my work for peace, I felt it was a great honour.
"Later, when Aung San Suu Kyi and Liu Xiaobo were awarded the Peace Prize and they were in difficult circumstances, I felt it would have been a source of encouragement and inspiration for them."
Asked whether he was disappointed that members of the Norwegian government and the Speaker of parliament would not be meeting him, he replied:
"No, why? My main interest is in the promotion of human values. From birth we have a sense of affection and some sense of concern for others. We need to nurture it. Scientists have found that to ensure even physical health peace of mind is essential. People often think that love and compassion are only matters of religious concern, but in fact such values are necessary in all human relations. As a Buddhist monk, I am also interested in fostering inter-religious harmony.
"Wherever I go my aim is to meet the public. If leaders like President Obama meet with me that's fine, but I don't ever want to put anyone to any inconvenience. When I arrived here today, I was happy to see the large number of ordinary people who came. The world belongs to all of us, not just to our leaders.
When His Holiness was asked whether China's increasing influence was able to limit his and the Tibetan government-in-exile's work, he clarified that he does not refer to the Central Tibetan Administration, which looks after the Tibetan community, in that way. But he laughed and remarked that it seems the more the Chinese government criticize him, the more his popularity grows.
To a question about whether it seems easier or more difficult to resolve differences with the Chinese authorities since he was awarded the Peace Prize, he said that it is nearly 70 years since the formation of the People's Republic of China. Over that period he perceives different eras. So, you see, the same party, with the same ideology has shown that it can adapt to a changing reality. As China opens up, as its students study abroad and are exposed to freedom and a lack of censorship, things are bound to change. Wen Jiabao said China needs political reform, even US style democracy."
On the question of support for human rights in China and Tibet, His Holiness expressed the view that smaller countries, like Norway, may wield more influence because they are not perceived as a threat.
When asked about the 130 self-immolations that have taken place in Tibet, His Holiness said it is very sad and repeated that these drastic actions should be investigated by the Chinese authorities and not blame His Holiness and his supporters.
A journalist mentioned that as a Nobel Laureate, His Holiness is entitled to nominate others to be awarded the Peace Prize and asked if he had done so. His Holiness laughed and said he thought it was the Committee's job to do that. Asked if he thought he would still be able to visit Tibet and the PRC in this life, he replied that if he lives another 15 or 20 years he hopes so, but if he only lives another one or two years there may not be a chance.
"Anyway, if I am able to go, I hope that journalists like all of you will be able to come too."
Original link: http://www.thetibetpost.com/news-in-focus/4025-thousands-welcome-his-holiness-the-dalai-lama-in-oslo
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Tuesday, August 21, 2012
Why the Dalai Lama is Hopeful
“I told President Obama the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party are missing a part of the brain, the part that contains common sense,” the Dalai Lama said to me during our conversation in London Wednesday.
But it can be put back in. I am hopeful about the new Chinese leadership beginning late this year. The Communist leaders now lack self-confidence, but I have heard from my Chinese friends that after a year or two the new ones will take some initiatives, so more freedom, more democracy.
The Dalai Lama, with whom I have been talking periodically since 1981, was in an ebullient mood even for him. He was here referring to his meeting with Obama in 2011. I had asked the Dalai Lama about those national leaders throughout the world, from South Africa to Britain, who refuse to hold formal meetings with him because they fear Beijing’s anger. President Obama declined to meet him in 2009, the first rebuff from an American president since the Tibetan leader began visiting Washington in 1991.
The meeting that finally took place in 2011 was in the White House Map Room rather than the Oval Office, after Beijing had warned against such an encounter: “We firmly oppose any foreign official to meet with the Dalai Lama in any form.” In Britain, Prime Ministers Gordon Brown and David Cameron found other venues for their meetings, far from 10 Downing Street. Two weeks ago Cameron and Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg held a brief unpublicized meeting with the Dalai Lama who was about to address several thousand admirers in St Paul’s cathedral. All such meetings, including the one at the cathedral, are routinely condemned by Beijing as “hurting the feelings of the Chinese people.”
“If these national leaders don’t see me that’s up to them,” the Dalai Lama said. “But slowly Chinese people realize they have been exploited, censored. The Communists tell them they don’t need Western-style democracy and human rights.’”
In recent months, there have been reports of self-immolations by Tibetans in China, and there are concerns that the human rights situation is worsening. Yet, as in previous meetings, the Dalai Lama reflected without rancor on Chinese Communist rule over Tibet. “What has kept Tibetans going for 2500 years? The Dharma.” This is the traditional Buddhist view of the universe and its principles of human behavior and wisdom. “How old is the Communist Party? Less than 200 years [it was founded in 1921]. Admiration for Tibetans throughout the world is always rising. Attitudes toward the Chinese Communist party, inside and outside China, couldn’t be worse.”
He noted that the Party sees how Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese opposition leader and a fellow Nobel Peace laureate, was admired throughout the world for more than twenty years when she was a captive in Rangoon and now, free at last, is welcome everywhere. She was in London this week, and Beijing cannot have been happy to see her meeting with the Dalai Lama on Wednesday. The Dalai Lama told Suu Kyi that he admired her courage.
The Dalai Lama said that the reason Chinese Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo is serving an eleven year prison sentence for subversion is “because he is not just one individual. There are thousands of intelligent thinking people in China who agree with him that change is necessary.” This means more transparency, he insisted, an end to violence, and a real legal system. “And there are also 1.3 billion other Chinese who because of their great culture have the brains to distinguish right from wrong. More and more they are aware of their rights.” The Party fears them, he added, and Liu is supposed to be a warning, an example, he agreed, of the Chinese saying “Strike the rooster to frighten the monkey.”
Particularly interesting was what the Dalai Lama had to say about the eleventh Panchen Lama, the second most eminent religious figure in Tibetan Buddhism, who has been chosen by the Chinese leadership in Beijing, in an apparent effort to impose further control on Tibet. The authentic eleventh Panchen, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, was chosen by the Dalai Lama in 1995 while the Tibetan leader was in exile in India. In accordance with tradition, he made the choice five years after the tenth incarnation died.
Beijing immediately denounced the choice as illegitimate, kidnapped the child and his family—who have never been seen again—and imprisoned for subversion the abbot of the Tashilunpo monastery, the Panchen’s traditional seat, who had first identified little Choekyi Nyima as a possible eleventh Panchen. Employing “authentic” rituals, the Communist Party then chose its own boy, Gyaincain Norbu. It was only too plain that this rigamarole, as the Dalai Lama has remarked to me over the years, was a dress rehearsal for Beijing to select his own successor, the Fifteenth Dalai Lama, who it hopes will be accepted by Tibetans, as their choice of Panchen has failed to be.
I was surprised, therefore, by the Dalai Lama’s comments about the spurious Panchen. He mentioned 2008, when an uprising swept throughout Tibet proper and regions of China populated by many Tibetans. Chinese properties were destroyed, some Han were killed, and a number of Tibetans are estimated to have been killed at the hands of the Chinese police and army.
“Of course Beijing wanted the boy to denounce the uprising,” the Dalai Lama observed. “But some of his friends have told me that he remains a Tibetan deep inside and preferred to remain silent. Beijing couldn’t use him.”
By Jonathan Mirsky, The New York Review of Books, 6/21/12
But it can be put back in. I am hopeful about the new Chinese leadership beginning late this year. The Communist leaders now lack self-confidence, but I have heard from my Chinese friends that after a year or two the new ones will take some initiatives, so more freedom, more democracy.
The Dalai Lama, with whom I have been talking periodically since 1981, was in an ebullient mood even for him. He was here referring to his meeting with Obama in 2011. I had asked the Dalai Lama about those national leaders throughout the world, from South Africa to Britain, who refuse to hold formal meetings with him because they fear Beijing’s anger. President Obama declined to meet him in 2009, the first rebuff from an American president since the Tibetan leader began visiting Washington in 1991.
The meeting that finally took place in 2011 was in the White House Map Room rather than the Oval Office, after Beijing had warned against such an encounter: “We firmly oppose any foreign official to meet with the Dalai Lama in any form.” In Britain, Prime Ministers Gordon Brown and David Cameron found other venues for their meetings, far from 10 Downing Street. Two weeks ago Cameron and Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg held a brief unpublicized meeting with the Dalai Lama who was about to address several thousand admirers in St Paul’s cathedral. All such meetings, including the one at the cathedral, are routinely condemned by Beijing as “hurting the feelings of the Chinese people.”
“If these national leaders don’t see me that’s up to them,” the Dalai Lama said. “But slowly Chinese people realize they have been exploited, censored. The Communists tell them they don’t need Western-style democracy and human rights.’”
In recent months, there have been reports of self-immolations by Tibetans in China, and there are concerns that the human rights situation is worsening. Yet, as in previous meetings, the Dalai Lama reflected without rancor on Chinese Communist rule over Tibet. “What has kept Tibetans going for 2500 years? The Dharma.” This is the traditional Buddhist view of the universe and its principles of human behavior and wisdom. “How old is the Communist Party? Less than 200 years [it was founded in 1921]. Admiration for Tibetans throughout the world is always rising. Attitudes toward the Chinese Communist party, inside and outside China, couldn’t be worse.”
He noted that the Party sees how Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese opposition leader and a fellow Nobel Peace laureate, was admired throughout the world for more than twenty years when she was a captive in Rangoon and now, free at last, is welcome everywhere. She was in London this week, and Beijing cannot have been happy to see her meeting with the Dalai Lama on Wednesday. The Dalai Lama told Suu Kyi that he admired her courage.
The Dalai Lama said that the reason Chinese Nobel Peace Prize winner Liu Xiaobo is serving an eleven year prison sentence for subversion is “because he is not just one individual. There are thousands of intelligent thinking people in China who agree with him that change is necessary.” This means more transparency, he insisted, an end to violence, and a real legal system. “And there are also 1.3 billion other Chinese who because of their great culture have the brains to distinguish right from wrong. More and more they are aware of their rights.” The Party fears them, he added, and Liu is supposed to be a warning, an example, he agreed, of the Chinese saying “Strike the rooster to frighten the monkey.”
Particularly interesting was what the Dalai Lama had to say about the eleventh Panchen Lama, the second most eminent religious figure in Tibetan Buddhism, who has been chosen by the Chinese leadership in Beijing, in an apparent effort to impose further control on Tibet. The authentic eleventh Panchen, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, was chosen by the Dalai Lama in 1995 while the Tibetan leader was in exile in India. In accordance with tradition, he made the choice five years after the tenth incarnation died.
Beijing immediately denounced the choice as illegitimate, kidnapped the child and his family—who have never been seen again—and imprisoned for subversion the abbot of the Tashilunpo monastery, the Panchen’s traditional seat, who had first identified little Choekyi Nyima as a possible eleventh Panchen. Employing “authentic” rituals, the Communist Party then chose its own boy, Gyaincain Norbu. It was only too plain that this rigamarole, as the Dalai Lama has remarked to me over the years, was a dress rehearsal for Beijing to select his own successor, the Fifteenth Dalai Lama, who it hopes will be accepted by Tibetans, as their choice of Panchen has failed to be.
I was surprised, therefore, by the Dalai Lama’s comments about the spurious Panchen. He mentioned 2008, when an uprising swept throughout Tibet proper and regions of China populated by many Tibetans. Chinese properties were destroyed, some Han were killed, and a number of Tibetans are estimated to have been killed at the hands of the Chinese police and army.
“Of course Beijing wanted the boy to denounce the uprising,” the Dalai Lama observed. “But some of his friends have told me that he remains a Tibetan deep inside and preferred to remain silent. Beijing couldn’t use him.”
By Jonathan Mirsky, The New York Review of Books, 6/21/12
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